Dialogues

Combating Kush in West Africa: A Conversation with Dr. Kars de Bruijne

In this interview, Dr. Kars de Bruijne shares his insights regarding the ongoing kush epidemic in West Africa. Dr. Bruijne argues that the rise of kush in Sierra Leone represents a broader trend towards synthetic opioid drug usage in low-income countries. Although kush remains embedded in local West African economies, Dr. Bruijne highlights how regional and international organizations can play a role in training law enforcement, providing medical support, and facilitating information sharing to prevent a further entrenchment of kush in the region.

Georgetown Journal of International Affairs: Can you please provide a brief overview of the kush epidemic? What is kush, and when did it first start appearing in West Africa?

Dr. Kars de Bruijne: Kush is a cheap synthetic drug that emerged in Sierra Leone in 2016 and quickly spread to neighboring countries, including Liberia and Guinea. Kush became increasingly prevalent between 2020 and 2022, and it remains a source of major concern across West Africa.

Until last year, the composition of kush was the subject of significant speculation. Rumors abounded that kush contained rat poison and ground human bones. To rectify these rumors and determine kush’s true makeup, the Global Initiative on Transnational Crime and my organization, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, conducted a research project. We identified two main variants of kush. The first contains synthetic cannabinoids, and the second contains synthetic opioids called nitazines. Nitazines can be more potent than fentanyl, and as a result, they are more deadly when consumed. This finding was particularly shocking and helps to explain why symptoms of kush consumption—such as dozing off and standing immobile for over 30 minutes at a time—are disturbingly similar to fentanyl.      

GJIA: Why has Sierra Leone, as opposed to other coastal countries in West Africa, become the epicenter of the kush epidemic? Did any socioeconomic or political factors make Sierra Leone particularly conducive to the rise of kush?

KB: Rather than a particular factor endemic to Sierra Leone, I would argue that kush demonstrates the global threat posed by the rise of cheap synthetic drugs entering low-income markets. I think that kush is a starting point, and that similar epidemics will continue to emerge in impoverished regions worldwide.

That being said, two factors can help contextualize the rise of kush within Sierra Leone. First, there exists Sierra Leonean diaspora communities in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and these communities facilitated the initial export of substances required to produce kush. However, these communities alone are not solely responsible for kush’s emergence. The second factor is Sierra Leone’s persistent gang problem, which became increasingly severe under the last regime. When the new government was elected in 2018, gangs aligned with the opposition were seen as a threat. Whether intentionally or accidentally, the rise of kush helped reduce the gang threat. It mollified gang leaders by providing an alternative way to make money, and it provided the gangs’ “foot soldiers” with a cheap drug to consume for enjoyment. I have heard one explanation for the government’s slow response which points to an implicit recognition that drug consumption had a positive effect on the security problem that  the government inherited. Conversely, the government likely did not foresee kush becoming as problematic as it eventually did. Kush consumers were going missing and dying on the streets, but addressing the kush epidemic was not seen as a priority until several years after it emerged.

GJIA: In the recent report that you co-authored on kush, you mentioned that the Sierra Leonean government declared tramadol use a national emergency in 2016. How does the ongoing kush epidemic differ from the tramadol epidemic?

KB: The main difference between tramadol and kush is that tramadol can be used for legitimate medical purposes. Tramadol is commonly sold in pharmacies, and people in Sierra Leone are able to purchase it without a prescription. As tramadol usage worsened, pharmacy boards played an important role in regulating the inflow of tramadol. Pharmacies also staunched the flow of tramadol by raising prices. As tramadol prices increased, the consumption rate decreased.

Unlike tramadol, kush is an illicit drug whose production is firmly rooted in local communities. Kush production generally involves drug peddling and local cartels, so cracking down on production involves a significant law enforcement response. Since the kush production and distribution business is so localized, it is much more difficult to beat than tramadol. For example, a local community leader may be a prominent gang member with the power to co-opt local law enforcement into ignoring kush production. These local protection structures, combined with the challenges of detecting sellers and hideouts, present significant obstacles for combating kush. Likewise, the “cooks”—those who distill kush’s ingredients into its drug form—often operate out of small sheds and use cheap tools, which makes it harder to identify supply lines.

GJIA: You mentioned that materials required to produce kush are imported from abroad. Do you foresee a risk of kush, in turn, being exported to Latin America, Europe, the United States or other drug markets?

KB: Latin America, Europe, and the United States are all fairly saturated drug markets, in which users are accustomed to and can afford particular drugs. Since these markets have more options available, and users tend to have a comparatively higher income, it would be very difficult for kush to infiltrate them.

However, there may exist a relationship between the markets for opioids and nitazenes. Since the Taliban is cracking down on heroin production in Afghanistan, there has been an expectation that the global supply of heroin will decrease in the coming years. Some observers predict that nitazenes will replace this deficit. Although this possibility should not be ruled out, I do not foresee nitazenes in Western markets being sold in the form of kush. In the United States, the Netherlands, and elsewhere, nitazenes have already emerged in oxycodone tablets and other synthetic opioid medicines. These substances will likely continue to increase in popularity as heroin becomes more scarce and expensive.

GJIA: To what extent are West African terrorist groups involved in the trafficking of kush? Do you see potential for terrorist organizations to get involved?

KB: There is a preconception that Sahelian terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates, are involved in the drug trade. In reality, very little evidence indicates that this is true. Armed forces will occasionally find cannabis when they raid a terrorist camp, but in general, drug use is considered haram—forbidden—under Islamic law. When I speak to smugglers, they emphasize the importance of concealing drugs and avoiding detection when moving through terrorist-controlled territory.

GJIA: Do you think that regional bodies, such as the Economic Organization of West African States (ECOWAS) have a role to play in addressing the kush epidemic?

KB: Yes, ECOWAS definitely has a role to play. ECOWAS must draw attention to the crisis and reduce its spread by enacting early warning procedures. For example, in November 2024, a series of raids on kush production sites in Sierra Leone displaced some important players to other countries in the region. Through a regional body like ECOWAS, officials from neighboring states can collaborate and coordinate their response to this dispersion.

Outsiders should also play a role in staunching the epidemic. From what I have observed, the substances that give kush its potency are not produced within Sierra Leone. Rather, these ingredients are shipped from the United Kingdom, Netherlands, and China. Law enforcement in these countries must crack down on illegal exports and develop stronger oversight mechanisms for monitoring the outflow of goods to international markets.

GJIA: What steps can international organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), take to aid West African states in reducing the severity of the epidemic?

KB: The two UN branches that can have the greatest impact on the kush epidemic are the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Office of Drug Control (UNODC). One of the challenges in countering kush is the lack of access to medicines that can help people who use drugs to detox. The WHO should help local authorities establish rehabilitation clinics, where kush users can obtain medication to fight their addiction. The UNODC can play a dominant role in providing law enforcement training. Fundamentally, mitigating the kush epidemic requires preventing the drug from crossing borders and infiltrating new markets in West Africa. To achieve this goal, the UNODC can promote information sharing between different law enforcement agencies and train law enforcement officials to identify and interdict kush shipments.

GJIA: Lastly, you mentioned that you recently travelled to Sierra Leone to research kush. Did you see any differences between the current environment in Sierra Leone and your past trips?

KB: One change that I immediately noticed was a substantial increase in the price of kush, which far outpaced inflation. While kush is still a widespread problem, higher prices will likely facilitate a decrease in consumption rates. Secondly, the drug market in Sierra Leone has become increasingly diversified. Tramadol remains rampant, and marijuana—which became nearly obsolete amidst the rise of kush—appears to be regaining a share of the market. Although kush remains a deadly, unsolved, and extremely complex problem, these observations lead me to believe that the situation has marginally improved. This improvement may signify a short-term change, but it does not guarantee that kush is on the decline. Given the push-and-pull dynamics of regional drug markets, West African countries must remain vigilant to prevent the situation from worsening again in the future.

This transcript has been lightly edited for clarity and length.

Interview conducted by Sydney Pappas.

. . .

Kars de Bruijne is a Senior Research Fellow and head of the West Africa/Sahel Program at the Clingendael Institute. He concentrates on violent extremism and organized crime. His academic research on West Africa explores the effect of information asymmetry on political violence, how armed actors and governments target and control customary authorities, and how regimes control subnational power.

Image Credit: World Health Organization, CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO, via Wikimedia Commons

Tagged
Drug Policy
Multilateral Institutions & Agreements
Regimes & Governance
West Africa