Introduction
As a small wealthy country flanked by two regional powers harboring mutual suspicion (Saudi Arabia and Iran), Qatar is attempting to assert itself as a force to be reckoned with in the Middle East. However, its geopolitical constraints, situated as a battleground for influence between Saudi Arabia and Iran, have left the country with just two options of assertion: accepting to bandwagon with its stronger adversarial powers to gain protection or adopting a balancing strategy against Saudi Arabia and Iran by building alliances with the United States. The past actions of Qatar’s leaders exemplify these two options. For example, Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, the ruler of Qatar from 1995 to 2013, believed that the country could ensure its security by transforming its relationship with Saudi Arabia from that of a subordinate to a competitor. Contemporarily, Qatar counterbalances the influence of Saudi Arabia by establishing diplomatic relationships with various nations like Iran and Turkey, which may not be aligned with Saudi interests.
Qatar has begun to take an increasingly prominent and aggressive regional leadership role by encouraging democratic transitions in several countries in the Middle East even though Qatar itself is not a democratic country. Examples include political and financial support for the Morsi administration in Egypt. Qatar’s push for changes in the regional system contends with the interests of its status quo leaders, namely Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Both countries have strived to prevent the spread of the Arab Spring, as calls for regime change could benefit opposition groups. In contrast, Qatar has supported a few of these groups in hopes of tipping the balance in its favor vis-a-vis other actors in the region.
Al Jazeera, funded in part by the government of Qatar, has previously welcomed religious figures like Yusuf Al Qaradawi, giving him a platform to amplify his message. However, his closeness to the Muslim Brotherhood, an opposition group in Egypt, has infuriated the Egyptian ruler. Similarly, Qatar’s attempts to establish relations with Iran to demonstrate its independent foreign policy have made Saudi Arabia uncomfortable. In 2017, a series of events related to leaked emails of the UAE ambassador to the United States and the Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani’s alleged support for Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran prompted countries like Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Egypt to sever ties with Qatar. Qatar’s willingness to facilitate talks with the Taliban and Hamas has also drawn criticism from the West for allegedly supporting terrorist organizations. However, since Qatar has not picked a primary partner between Washington, Moscow, or Beijing, its mediation efforts have been seen as relatively acceptable and unbiased by the stakeholders of these mediation efforts.
Diplomacy
Although its diplomacy and partnerships are considered controversial by many states and groups, Qatar’s position is indispensable to the international community. Qatar’s diplomatic capabilities—including the ability to negotiate with diverse actors, many of whom are adversaries—are a distinct advantage in a region afflicted by violent conflicts. It stands in contrast to this trend, affirming mediation through peace as enshrined in its constitution. At the 77th UN General Assembly in 2022, Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani declared that peaceful settlement of disputes is the foundation of Qatar’s foreign policy and strategy toward being a reliable partner. Moreover, to ensure the success of their mediation process in various disputes, the Emir of Qatar and his Prime Minister personally oversee every step and engage in negotiation processes directly.
Qatar has historically managed to leverage its influence and relationship with warring parties for successful mediation efforts, often through different forms of incentives. Qatar has made use of “business diplomacy” by combining diplomacy with massive investment incentives to guarantee agreements between disputants and disruptive parties. For instance, the Prime Minister of Qatar offered large Qatari investments in Syria in exchange for Syria’s efforts in persuading Hezbollah to accept the negotiation outcomes during the conflict in Lebanon. Qatar’s willingness to engage with all kinds of actors might provoke strong opposition, but this willingness has facilitated numerous channels for resolving disputes. Thus, Qatar plays a crucial role in finding solutions.
Israel-Palestine Mediation
Qatar has been able to successfully employ many of its strengths in the ongoing conflict in Gaza. While mediating the war between Israel, Hamas, and other resistance factions in Gaza, Qatar has drawn on its close ties with Hamas. These ties trace back to 1995 and were further strengthened by Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa when he assumed power in 2006. When Hamas emerged victorious in the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and subsequently took control of Gaza, Western nations ceased aid to the secular Palestinian authority. Qatar stepped in to address the vacuum by offering $50 million in aid to Gaza that same year. In 2012, in response to a request from the US government to establish communication channels, Hamas’s political office was established in Qatar.
The ability to negotiate with both Israeli and Palestinian forces becomes increasingly pertinent, as the current reality indicates that achieving an absolute military victory in the ongoing war is potentially unattainable. Both domestic and international support for the Israeli position continues to wane whilst the Netanyahu Israeli government faces pressure from the families of the captives to negotiate their release. Given the increasingly insurmountable economic and military impact of the conflict, negotiations in 2023 and 2024 offered by Qatar and supported by the United States become an inevitable option. Although temporary, Qatar has managed to return prisoners of war and open a humanitarian corridor in Gaza. Few countries in the Middle East can play as unique a position as Qatar, which has direct communication with both Israel and Hamas when the “two parties have zero level of confidence in each other.”
Lessons for Indonesia
Qatar’s mediation efforts in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can offer valuable insights for Indonesia, as it seeks to strengthen its position in the Islamic world. As a country with a large population that is predominantly Muslim, Indonesia’s current position is significant for this conflict. The Palestinian people want Indonesia to be more active in supporting their independence in high-level diplomatic circles and global forums, while Israel wants to normalize relations with Indonesia in hopes of expanding the Abraham Accords of 2020.
Indonesia has bolstered its support for the Palestinian people’s independence with a more active role in defending their struggle on international platforms under President Jokowi’s leadership. On November 11, 2023, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) mandated Indonesia and six other member states to work toward ending the war in Gaza. President Jokowi urged President Biden to halt Israel’s attacks on Gaza, while the Indonesian Foreign Minister convened with his counterparts from Russia, China, France, and Britain to discuss the protection of civilians and a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Neither Indonesia nor Qatar has formal relations with Israel, making them accessible to the Palestinian people from Hamas and Fatah. Moreover, both nations believe in mediating conflicts that can create world peace. However, the Qatari government builds deep ties with factions in Palestine, while Indonesia relies more on formal relations. Indonesia and Palestine share a distinct bond as nations that have experienced Western colonialism, characterized by reciprocal support and affection throughout their shared history. While Qatar provides financial assistance to Hamas and Fatah, the government of Indonesia cooperates with the Palestinian Authority through its embassy in Jakarta. Indonesia has not allowed Hamas to open its political office in the capital city.
On its relationship with Israel, Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has always refused normalization on the grounds of Indonesia’s support for Palestinian independence through the framework of the two-state solution and other globally accepted principles. Indonesian President Abdurahman Wahid (1999-2000) had initiated efforts to build trade relations through a chamber of commerce between Indonesia and Israel. However, these efforts failed due to rejection from the Indonesian public. Lately, the United States has engaged in various efforts to bring Indonesia closer to Israel, but Jakarta has never publicly signaled toward normalization. When the Israeli media reported on a secret talk on normalization between the two countries, the reports were immediately denied by the government of Indonesia.
Some observers argue that Indonesia may not be able to play an active role in reconciling the Israel-Palestine conflict if it does not have direct relations with Israel. However, Arab countries that have normalized relations with Israel have not been able to pressure the country into a ceasefire to start negotiations. In contrast, Qatar, which has no formal relations with Israel, has successfully facilitated negotiations between Israel and Hamas. Learning from Qatar’s experience, Indonesia does not necessarily have to normalize its relations with Israel to mediate between Israel and Palestine. Both Indonesia and Qatar can facilitate the peaceful coexistence of Palestine and Israel as two sovereign states.
The current miscalculation of the West lies in the assumption that excluding the ‘disliked group’ and establishing a favored but unpopular puppet government constitutes success. Qatar and Indonesia, in this context, are in the position to support an inclusive and equitable two-state resolution. In the past, Indonesia and Qatar have worked together to remove the label of the Taliban as a terrorist organization that encouraged the Taliban to participate in peace negotiations. This mediation could be used as a model while engaging with Hamas in the future. Indonesia should actively participate in the negotiations initiated by Qatar to promote a permanent ceasefire, the end of conflict and occupation, and the realization of a two-state solution.
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Yon Machmudi earned his Ph.D from the Faculty of Asian Studies at the Australian National University. He is currently a Professor in History, Faculty of Humanities, and Head of the Postgraduate Program of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at Universitas Indonesia. He has extensively written on issues plaguing the Middle East from an Indonesian point of view. His books include The Middle East in Focus: The Dynamics of the Middle East in Indonesia’s Perspective (2021) and The New Era of Afghanistan: From Western Intervention to the Triumph of Taleban (2022). He is also the co-founder of the Indonesia Moderation Initiative Foundation in Jakarta.
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